===begin p 15===
GRAMMAR
I. PARTS OF SPEECH
1. THE NOUN, ADJECTIVE, ARTICLE,
ADVERB, PREPOSITION, CONJUNCTION,
INTERJECTION, PRONOUN, VERB, AND
PARTICIPPLE [SIC], OR PARTICIPIAL-VERB.
2. Of these, the verb is the most im-
portant, and a knowledge of its va-
rious forms and inflections is indispen-
sable to a correct understanding of the
language. The other parts of speech
are simple in their construction, and
for the most part unvaried.
II. OF NOUNS.
3. No change is made in the termina-
tion of nouns to indicate their case
or number: unless we except the oc-
casional change of the final vowel of
some nouns, when addressed, making
a vocative case.
=== end p 15 ===
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
Monday, February 9, 2009
ALPHABET p 14
===begin p 14===
2 -In speaking, the Ioways frequently drop the
final vowel of a word, when the word next follow-
ing begins with a vowel. Hence, two words in
such connection, are frequently pronounced as is
they were but one.
3 -Compound words are frequently formed on
the same principle; as
no-me-yae (a floor) for na o-me-yae
no-ra-fe-na-ha (fruit, or what a tree bears)
for na o-ra-fe-na-ha
4 -In the formation of compounds, -the conju-
gation of verbs, -after the first person of the
fragment-pronoun &c. a letter, for the sake of
euphony, is frequently introduced into the word
according to the following rule, viz.
g, before k,
m, before p,
n, before c, d, f, r, & t; -as,
heg-ke-ro-kae, --- I am glad.
hem-pre-hae-kae, ---I am strong.
hen-cae-ta-nyae-kae, --we will die.
an-de-ho-kae-kae, ---he scolds me.
un-ru-hae-kae, -----she was married to me.
men-ta-wae, -------mine
hen-fa-pae-ta-kae ---I am wise.
mem-prae-kae, --strouding, thin bro'd cloth.
woj-kam pe, ------a good disposition.
men fae-wae, -----black cloth.
===end p 14===
Note 2: When a word ends in a vowel,
and the next word in the sentence begins
with a vowel, when you speak, the last
vowel of the first word is dropped, which
sometimes makes the two words sound
like one.
In English we don't do that as much. Test
yourself by saying "three apples" at a regular
speed. Most people in English put a little
glottal stop in between the two words to
separate them. You can hear the glottal
stop even more if you say "a apple." That
stop in your throat is called a glottal stop.
If we wrote English the way they wrote Ioway
we would write "thri'apals" or "a'apal"
(or something like that); the ' represents
a glottal stop.
But even in English, if we are talking fast,
we do something similar to Ioway, only
instead of dropping one of the vowels,
we often combine them into a sound called
a diphthong which is a blend of the two
vowels into a NEW sound. So talking fast,
instead of saying "thri'apals," it would
sound more like "thriyapals"- the
i and a sounds would combine with a new
sound y, not heard in either of the original
words (thri= three; apals = apples). See,
linguistics is kind of interesting that way.
Note 3: In Ioway, you make SOME compound
words the same way. Hamilton and Irvin
give the examples:
no-me-yae (a floor) for na o-me-yae
=nomiye (a floor) comes from
na (wood; tree) + omiye (not sure how to
analyze this one yet, but I see the morpheme
(morpheme= a fragment that has meaning)
o- which indicates a location.
So this is a good chance to practice guessing
from context what an unknown word might
mean, in this case omiye. If na = "wood",
o- refers to the location, and
nomiye = "floor", then likely omiye
refers to "where someone lays/puts on/in" the
"wood" in order to make "a floor." So
"omiye" MIGHT mean "to lay in" a substance,
such as wood to make a floor, but also perhaps
lead in a pipe, as in the lead inlay we often
see in pipestone, or in the old Otoe-Ioway
horsehead dance mirrors.


PERHAPS "omiye" means "inlay" (lead, wood, etc.)
but this is by no means certain, but is only a guess
from context. Learning language often requires
such guesses from context. We cannot know
for sure until/unless we find more examples of
the word "omiye" in sentences in the future that
seems to indicate "inlay"...or unless someone
like Dorsey, Marsh, Whitman,
Wistrand-Robinson, or Good Tracks already
collected the word many years ago, and we just
don't have that information yet :-)
no-ra-fe-na-ha (fruit, or what a tree bears)
for na o-ra-fe-na-ha
So let's try the same thing with this word:
norathinaha = "fruit; what a tree bears"
na "a tree" + orathinaha "fruit; what is borne"
A little tougher, this one. Orathinaha.
We see o- again,
meaning "something located somewhere."
that leaves rathinaha. What might be recognized
from this part? ra- often means "you" or "by
means of using the mouth." thi means "foot."
If it was meant to be dhi, it would mean "yellow."
And that leaves naha, which means "bark", from
na "tree" and ha "skin, covering."
So that makes a word norathinaha
which might mean
tree+location+you/by-mouth+foot/yellow+bark.
This doesn't make much sense, though some
parts "feel" appropriate. ra- because you
eat fruit. na-o because fruit grows on trees.
thi "foot" doesn't seem to apply, but perhaps
"dhi" because some fruit is yellow in some
stages, plus H&I didn't write the th sound
always separately from the dh sound. Most
tree-fruits in Ioway-Otoe lands were very
dark, even blackish, when ripe, such as
chokecherry (top), wild plum (middle), or
prairie crabapple (bottom).



So it isn't always as simple as simply breaking
down a word into its smallest components.
Sometimes you just have to learn a word as
a whole, and take it for what it is.
In this case, norathinaha means "a fruit which
comes from a tree" such as a crabapple, cherry,
plum, chokecherry. But not a berry, hadhe, which
grows on a bush or vine, not a tree. Berries would
include gooseberries, strawberries,
grapes, and raspberries.
Note 4: Sometimes when a compound word is
made, an extra sound is found which has no
real meaning (it is not a morpheme) but is
just to make the sound "more harmonious
to the ear" (euphony), so it is phonological
(about sound-making).
Hamilton and Irvin give the following examples:
heg-ke-ro-kae, --- I am glad.
higkiroke (H/I) =
hin giro ke (today) =
hin "I" + giro "happy" + ke (stating fact)
hem-pre-hae-kae, ---I am strong.
himpriheke (H/I) =
hin brixe ke (today)=
hin "I" + brixe "strong" + ke (stating fact)
hen-cae-ta-nyae-kae, --we will die.
hinchetanyeke (H/I) =
hin ch'e ta hnye ke (today) (notice the
-nye suffix is plural "I" thus "we"
but also that hnye is the future tense).
ch'e is "to die" while che is buffalo,
though H&I don't make the distinction
in their writing.
an-de-ho-kae-kae, ---he scolds me.
andihokeke (H/I) =
arixoge ke (today)=
"to scold, rebuke" + statement
=an unaltered verb (without ra, hin, etc.)
indicates third person he, she, it.
In this case, this could also mean
"he scolds it," "she scolds him" etc.
Or here, "he scolds" with the object
"me" not said, but understood.
un-ru-hae-kae, -----she was married to me.
unruheke (H/I) =
unruxe ke (today)=
unruxe "to marry" + statement...BUT..
unruxe "to marry" is only used when
speaking of a woman marrying a man,
not the other way around (don't ask
me why, that was just the way it was!)
In this case, just as with the example
above, "me" is not said but understood
anyways. In Ioway-Otoe, the past and
present tenses are not differentiated in the
basic verb.
men-ta-wae, -------mine
mintawe (H/I) = mintawe (today)
"my, mine" ...no difference between
H&I's time and today
hen-fa-pae-ta-kae ---I am wise.
hinthapetake (H/I) =
hin thabeda ke (today)
"I"+"wisdom/wise"+statement of fact
mem-prae-kae, --strouding, thin bro'd cloth.
--by the way, bro'd means "brocaded"
mimpreke (H/I) =
mi breke (today)=
"cloth" + "thin"
mi originally meant "a robe", typically a buffalo robe,
then when trade with Euroamericans began,
mi came to mean blanket, and finally, cloth.
Every man or woman in the old days had a
robe to wear as everyday clothing on top of
the breechcloth or dress, heavier robes in winter
and lighter ones in summer. It was also a part
of body language, "the language of the robe,"
which Fletcher and LaFlesche write about in
_The Omaha_.
I have used blankets instead of a bathrobe
for many years when in my own house. In the
cold mornings I will grab an old wool blanket
and use it "the old style." I grew up doing this
and I would use one in public only they'd probably
think I was nuts or "playing Indian." It's a lot
better than a bathrobe though, as you can adjust
as necessary, the way the Romans used their
togas.
Strouding is a coarse woolen cloth, often red or
dark blue, and lighter than a blanket-weight.
It was often used for breechcloths, leggings,
shawls, and dresses, as well as summer-weight
blankets. It was named after a town in
England, Stoud, that made such cloth for
the Indian trade. And of course there is
Stroud, Oklahoma.

You can look at and buy stroud cloth at Crazy Crow
or Iroqrafts.
Some information on stroud and other types of trade cloth can be found at
at Women of the Fur Trade and
Stroud Cloth, and finally the
History of Cloth from Stroud

woj-kam pe, ------a good disposition.
woshkam pi (H/I) =
woshgan pi (today)=
woshgan "ways, habits, abilities, talents,
skills" + pi "good"
men fae-wae, -----black cloth.
min thewe (H/I) =
mi thewe (today)= the i in mi is nasalized
"cloth" + "black"
2 -In speaking, the Ioways frequently drop the
final vowel of a word, when the word next follow-
ing begins with a vowel. Hence, two words in
such connection, are frequently pronounced as is
they were but one.
3 -Compound words are frequently formed on
the same principle; as
no-me-yae (a floor) for na o-me-yae
no-ra-fe-na-ha (fruit, or what a tree bears)
for na o-ra-fe-na-ha
4 -In the formation of compounds, -the conju-
gation of verbs, -after the first person of the
fragment-pronoun &c. a letter, for the sake of
euphony, is frequently introduced into the word
according to the following rule, viz.
g, before k,
m, before p,
n, before c, d, f, r, & t; -as,
heg-ke-ro-kae, --- I am glad.
hem-pre-hae-kae, ---I am strong.
hen-cae-ta-nyae-kae, --we will die.
an-de-ho-kae-kae, ---he scolds me.
un-ru-hae-kae, -----she was married to me.
men-ta-wae, -------mine
hen-fa-pae-ta-kae ---I am wise.
mem-prae-kae, --strouding, thin bro'd cloth.
woj-kam pe, ------a good disposition.
men fae-wae, -----black cloth.
===end p 14===
Lance's Notes for Page 14
Note 2: When a word ends in a vowel,
and the next word in the sentence begins
with a vowel, when you speak, the last
vowel of the first word is dropped, which
sometimes makes the two words sound
like one.
In English we don't do that as much. Test
yourself by saying "three apples" at a regular
speed. Most people in English put a little
glottal stop in between the two words to
separate them. You can hear the glottal
stop even more if you say "a apple." That
stop in your throat is called a glottal stop.
If we wrote English the way they wrote Ioway
we would write "thri'apals" or "a'apal"
(or something like that); the ' represents
a glottal stop.
But even in English, if we are talking fast,
we do something similar to Ioway, only
instead of dropping one of the vowels,
we often combine them into a sound called
a diphthong which is a blend of the two
vowels into a NEW sound. So talking fast,
instead of saying "thri'apals," it would
sound more like "thriyapals"- the
i and a sounds would combine with a new
sound y, not heard in either of the original
words (thri= three; apals = apples). See,
linguistics is kind of interesting that way.
Note 3: In Ioway, you make SOME compound
words the same way. Hamilton and Irvin
give the examples:
no-me-yae (a floor) for na o-me-yae
=nomiye (a floor) comes from
na (wood; tree) + omiye (not sure how to
analyze this one yet, but I see the morpheme
(morpheme= a fragment that has meaning)
o- which indicates a location.
So this is a good chance to practice guessing
from context what an unknown word might
mean, in this case omiye. If na = "wood",
o- refers to the location, and
nomiye = "floor", then likely omiye
refers to "where someone lays/puts on/in" the
"wood" in order to make "a floor." So
"omiye" MIGHT mean "to lay in" a substance,
such as wood to make a floor, but also perhaps
lead in a pipe, as in the lead inlay we often
see in pipestone, or in the old Otoe-Ioway
horsehead dance mirrors.

PERHAPS "omiye" means "inlay" (lead, wood, etc.)
but this is by no means certain, but is only a guess
from context. Learning language often requires
such guesses from context. We cannot know
for sure until/unless we find more examples of
the word "omiye" in sentences in the future that
seems to indicate "inlay"...or unless someone
like Dorsey, Marsh, Whitman,
Wistrand-Robinson, or Good Tracks already
collected the word many years ago, and we just
don't have that information yet :-)
no-ra-fe-na-ha (fruit, or what a tree bears)
for na o-ra-fe-na-ha
So let's try the same thing with this word:
norathinaha = "fruit; what a tree bears"
na "a tree" + orathinaha "fruit; what is borne"
A little tougher, this one. Orathinaha.
We see o- again,
meaning "something located somewhere."
that leaves rathinaha. What might be recognized
from this part? ra- often means "you" or "by
means of using the mouth." thi means "foot."
If it was meant to be dhi, it would mean "yellow."
And that leaves naha, which means "bark", from
na "tree" and ha "skin, covering."
So that makes a word norathinaha
which might mean
tree+location+you/by-mouth+foot/yellow+bark.
This doesn't make much sense, though some
parts "feel" appropriate. ra- because you
eat fruit. na-o because fruit grows on trees.
thi "foot" doesn't seem to apply, but perhaps
"dhi" because some fruit is yellow in some
stages, plus H&I didn't write the th sound
always separately from the dh sound. Most
tree-fruits in Ioway-Otoe lands were very
dark, even blackish, when ripe, such as
chokecherry (top), wild plum (middle), or
prairie crabapple (bottom).



So it isn't always as simple as simply breaking
down a word into its smallest components.
Sometimes you just have to learn a word as
a whole, and take it for what it is.
In this case, norathinaha means "a fruit which
comes from a tree" such as a crabapple, cherry,
plum, chokecherry. But not a berry, hadhe, which
grows on a bush or vine, not a tree. Berries would
include gooseberries, strawberries,
grapes, and raspberries.
Note 4: Sometimes when a compound word is
made, an extra sound is found which has no
real meaning (it is not a morpheme) but is
just to make the sound "more harmonious
to the ear" (euphony), so it is phonological
(about sound-making).
Hamilton and Irvin give the following examples:
heg-ke-ro-kae, --- I am glad.
higkiroke (H/I) =
hin giro ke (today) =
hin "I" + giro "happy" + ke (stating fact)
hem-pre-hae-kae, ---I am strong.
himpriheke (H/I) =
hin brixe ke (today)=
hin "I" + brixe "strong" + ke (stating fact)
hen-cae-ta-nyae-kae, --we will die.
hinchetanyeke (H/I) =
hin ch'e ta hnye ke (today) (notice the
-nye suffix is plural "I" thus "we"
but also that hnye is the future tense).
ch'e is "to die" while che is buffalo,
though H&I don't make the distinction
in their writing.
an-de-ho-kae-kae, ---he scolds me.
andihokeke (H/I) =
arixoge ke (today)=
"to scold, rebuke" + statement
=an unaltered verb (without ra, hin, etc.)
indicates third person he, she, it.
In this case, this could also mean
"he scolds it," "she scolds him" etc.
Or here, "he scolds" with the object
"me" not said, but understood.
un-ru-hae-kae, -----she was married to me.
unruheke (H/I) =
unruxe ke (today)=
unruxe "to marry" + statement...BUT..
unruxe "to marry" is only used when
speaking of a woman marrying a man,
not the other way around (don't ask
me why, that was just the way it was!)
In this case, just as with the example
above, "me" is not said but understood
anyways. In Ioway-Otoe, the past and
present tenses are not differentiated in the
basic verb.
men-ta-wae, -------mine
mintawe (H/I) = mintawe (today)
"my, mine" ...no difference between
H&I's time and today
hen-fa-pae-ta-kae ---I am wise.
hinthapetake (H/I) =
hin thabeda ke (today)
"I"+"wisdom/wise"+statement of fact
mem-prae-kae, --strouding, thin bro'd cloth.
--by the way, bro'd means "brocaded"
mimpreke (H/I) =
mi breke (today)=
"cloth" + "thin"
mi originally meant "a robe", typically a buffalo robe,
then when trade with Euroamericans began,
mi came to mean blanket, and finally, cloth.
Every man or woman in the old days had a
robe to wear as everyday clothing on top of
the breechcloth or dress, heavier robes in winter
and lighter ones in summer. It was also a part
of body language, "the language of the robe,"
which Fletcher and LaFlesche write about in
_The Omaha_.
I have used blankets instead of a bathrobe
for many years when in my own house. In the
cold mornings I will grab an old wool blanket
and use it "the old style." I grew up doing this
and I would use one in public only they'd probably
think I was nuts or "playing Indian." It's a lot
better than a bathrobe though, as you can adjust
as necessary, the way the Romans used their
togas.
Strouding is a coarse woolen cloth, often red or
dark blue, and lighter than a blanket-weight.
It was often used for breechcloths, leggings,
shawls, and dresses, as well as summer-weight
blankets. It was named after a town in
England, Stoud, that made such cloth for
the Indian trade. And of course there is
Stroud, Oklahoma.

You can look at and buy stroud cloth at Crazy Crow
or Iroqrafts.
Some information on stroud and other types of trade cloth can be found at
at Women of the Fur Trade and
Stroud Cloth, and finally the
History of Cloth from Stroud

woj-kam pe, ------a good disposition.
woshkam pi (H/I) =
woshgan pi (today)=
woshgan "ways, habits, abilities, talents,
skills" + pi "good"
men fae-wae, -----black cloth.
min thewe (H/I) =
mi thewe (today)= the i in mi is nasalized
"cloth" + "black"
Labels:
blanket/robe/cloth,
compound words,
fruit,
pronunciation,
to be
Saturday, February 7, 2009
ALPHABET p 13
=== begin p 13 ===
have sometimes a strong nasal sound.
This sound for the want of proper
type, cannot be indicated.
3 In the names given to the conso-
nants, the sound of the vowel is al-
ways heard after the consonant; which
is not always the case in their En-
glish sound; the name, however, does
not alter the power of the character.
The reason why this has been done,
is, all words, in Ioway, end with a
vowel sound; and, in most cases the
syllables. Hence the propriety of the
change.
-------------
OF READING.
1 - In reading, or pronouncing words,
it may be necessary for the learner to
spell, as in English; in that case, the
consonant may be called by its own
appropriate name; but a little practice
will enable him to place the organs of
speech in such a position as if he were
about to pronounce the consonant, or
consonants that may precede the vowel,
and the pronunciation of the vowel will
give the correct sound.
=== end p 13 ===
have sometimes a strong nasal sound.
This sound for the want of proper
type, cannot be indicated.
3 In the names given to the conso-
nants, the sound of the vowel is al-
ways heard after the consonant; which
is not always the case in their En-
glish sound; the name, however, does
not alter the power of the character.
The reason why this has been done,
is, all words, in Ioway, end with a
vowel sound; and, in most cases the
syllables. Hence the propriety of the
change.
-------------
OF READING.
1 - In reading, or pronouncing words,
it may be necessary for the learner to
spell, as in English; in that case, the
consonant may be called by its own
appropriate name; but a little practice
will enable him to place the organs of
speech in such a position as if he were
about to pronounce the consonant, or
consonants that may precede the vowel,
and the pronunciation of the vowel will
give the correct sound.
=== end p 13 ===
Friday, February 6, 2009
ALPHABET p 12
===begin p 12===
Of the consonants, q (que) has been
omitted, as its power is obtained by
using kw. In writing the language,
to some there may appear to be a need
of two more vowels, one to represent
the long sound of i, as in time, and
another to represent the sound of ou
as in loud.
These, however, are both compound
sounds, as i is equivalent to ae pro-
nounced quickly, and ou (diphthtong)
to au. Instead therefore, of i, long, a
is written, followed by y; and for ou,
a is followed by w, as the beginning
of the sound of y, is e; and the begin-
ning of w, is u, or oo:
Thus,
na-yae in stead [sic] of ni-ae
wa-yae-rae instead of wi-ae-rae
me-nta-wae in stead [sic] of me-ntou-ae
ra-wae in stead [sic] of rou-ae
The vowels, in the conjugation of
verbs, and in a few other situations
===end p 12===
The first paragraph is a little puzzling, as
Ioway does not currently have a kw sound
of which I am aware. Perhaps Hamilton
and Irvin meant the xw sound, as in
xwanye "to fall away; to be lost."
The second paragraph is just an explanation
of how they decided to write diphthongs;
their choice corresponds with today's
practice, but was at variance with some
contemporaries'.
The examples they give are:
"na-yae in stead [sic] of ni-ae"
= naye = likely here they meant "to stand,"
which we now render as nayi
"wa-yae-rae instead of wi-ae-rae"
= wayere "who"
"me-nta-wae in stead [sic] of me-ntou-ae"
= mintawe "my; mine"
"ra-wae in stead [sic] of rou-ae"
= rawe "to gnaw; to count"
Of the consonants, q (que) has been
omitted, as its power is obtained by
using kw. In writing the language,
to some there may appear to be a need
of two more vowels, one to represent
the long sound of i, as in time, and
another to represent the sound of ou
as in loud.
These, however, are both compound
sounds, as i is equivalent to ae pro-
nounced quickly, and ou (diphthtong)
to au. Instead therefore, of i, long, a
is written, followed by y; and for ou,
a is followed by w, as the beginning
of the sound of y, is e; and the begin-
ning of w, is u, or oo:
Thus,
na-yae in stead [sic] of ni-ae
wa-yae-rae instead of wi-ae-rae
me-nta-wae in stead [sic] of me-ntou-ae
ra-wae in stead [sic] of rou-ae
The vowels, in the conjugation of
verbs, and in a few other situations
===end p 12===
Lance's notes on p. 12
The first paragraph is a little puzzling, as
Ioway does not currently have a kw sound
of which I am aware. Perhaps Hamilton
and Irvin meant the xw sound, as in
xwanye "to fall away; to be lost."
The second paragraph is just an explanation
of how they decided to write diphthongs;
their choice corresponds with today's
practice, but was at variance with some
contemporaries'.
The examples they give are:
"na-yae in stead [sic] of ni-ae"
= naye = likely here they meant "to stand,"
which we now render as nayi
"wa-yae-rae instead of wi-ae-rae"
= wayere "who"
"me-nta-wae in stead [sic] of me-ntou-ae"
= mintawe "my; mine"
"ra-wae in stead [sic] of rou-ae"
= rawe "to gnaw; to count"
Thursday, February 5, 2009
ALPHABET p 11
===begin p 11===
W, and Y, have the same power
that they have when used as conso-
nants in such words as we, wan, ye,
you &c. S is always followed by anoth-
er consonant in words purely Ioway.
It might, however, be proper to re-
mark, that a sometimes appears to
have the short broad sound of a in
wad, what, etc. especially when preceded
by w, and occasionally by m, & n; but
in such situations it so nearly resem-
bles the sound of a in far, (the differ-
ence being about as great as it is in
the sound this same letter has in the
words what, fall,) that it is thought
inexpedient to employ a distinct char-
acter to represent this sound.
In the first printing down at the sta[-]
tion, v was used to designate this
sound. For a similar reason, x, rep-
resenting the short sound of u as in
tub, has also been omitted.
I, as heard in pin, has likewise been
left out; its place is supplied by e.
===end of page 11===
The document they are talking about as
"the first printing down at the station"
was the 1843
An elementary book of
the Ioway language : with an English
translation, or
"Wv-wv-kv-hæ e-ya e-tu u-na-ha
pa-hu-cæ e-cæ æ-ta-wæ,
mv-he-hvn-yæ e-cæ
ra-prae-tae-kae"
This would be written in today's
orthography as:
Wawagaxe iya itu unaha
(writing/book one -?- -?-)
itun = first
unaha might be today's unax'u "hear"
so perhaps (book a first-one-hears =
book a elementary =an elementary book)
Paxuche ich'e etawe,
(Ioway language theirs,)
mahixanye ich'e
(American language)
rabreteke.
(translate)
This last term might be
ra-bredhe-ke ="by the mouth clarity statement"
ra: here a prefix indicating instrumentality
by means of the mouth (Whitman)
bredhe: clear; clarity
ke: statement of fact
So together it would mean more literally
"A book by which one first hears the Ioways'
language, made clear by oral means of the
American language."
You can see that it helps when learning the
Ioway language to play with the words,
move them around, which begins to
help one understand better how sentences
are constructed and the literal word-for-word
meaning underneath.
Often language expressions can NOT be
literally translated, but for me at
least, it helps me to go through and use
literal word for word translation.
This has helped me understand such prefixes as
ra-, in this situation, so that one gets used
to that ra- in some cases means "you" and
in others ra- indicates that something happens
in relation to the mouth.
An example is ranuwe, sometimes spelled
danuwe, which means a tobacco pipe. Sacred pipe
would be ranuwe waxonyita (pipe + sacred).
Whitman analyzed ranuwe as:
ra- (by means of the mouth)
nuwe (two)
This might be indicating the two parts of
a pipe, the bowl and the stem, which
is unified through the mouth, in smoking
the pipe. OR it might refer to the mouth
unifying the person smoking and the
"other" with whom the pipe is being shared.
such as another person, a spirit, or
God, etc.
This is all of course conjecture, but it is
fun nonetheless! :-)
W, and Y, have the same power
that they have when used as conso-
nants in such words as we, wan, ye,
you &c. S is always followed by anoth-
er consonant in words purely Ioway.
It might, however, be proper to re-
mark, that a sometimes appears to
have the short broad sound of a in
wad, what, etc. especially when preceded
by w, and occasionally by m, & n; but
in such situations it so nearly resem-
bles the sound of a in far, (the differ-
ence being about as great as it is in
the sound this same letter has in the
words what, fall,) that it is thought
inexpedient to employ a distinct char-
acter to represent this sound.
In the first printing down at the sta[-]
tion, v was used to designate this
sound. For a similar reason, x, rep-
resenting the short sound of u as in
tub, has also been omitted.
I, as heard in pin, has likewise been
left out; its place is supplied by e.
===end of page 11===
Lance's note
The document they are talking about as
"the first printing down at the station"
was the 1843
An elementary book of
the Ioway language : with an English
translation, or
"Wv-wv-kv-hæ e-ya e-tu u-na-ha
pa-hu-cæ e-cæ æ-ta-wæ,
mv-he-hvn-yæ e-cæ
ra-prae-tae-kae"
This would be written in today's
orthography as:
Wawagaxe iya itu unaha
(writing/book one -?- -?-)
itun = first
unaha might be today's unax'u "hear"
so perhaps (book a first-one-hears =
book a elementary =an elementary book)
Paxuche ich'e etawe,
(Ioway language theirs,)
mahixanye ich'e
(American language)
rabreteke.
(translate)
This last term might be
ra-bredhe-ke ="by the mouth clarity statement"
ra: here a prefix indicating instrumentality
by means of the mouth (Whitman)
bredhe: clear; clarity
ke: statement of fact
So together it would mean more literally
"A book by which one first hears the Ioways'
language, made clear by oral means of the
American language."
You can see that it helps when learning the
Ioway language to play with the words,
move them around, which begins to
help one understand better how sentences
are constructed and the literal word-for-word
meaning underneath.
Often language expressions can NOT be
literally translated, but for me at
least, it helps me to go through and use
literal word for word translation.
This has helped me understand such prefixes as
ra-, in this situation, so that one gets used
to that ra- in some cases means "you" and
in others ra- indicates that something happens
in relation to the mouth.
An example is ranuwe, sometimes spelled
danuwe, which means a tobacco pipe. Sacred pipe
would be ranuwe waxonyita (pipe + sacred).
Whitman analyzed ranuwe as:
ra- (by means of the mouth)
nuwe (two)
This might be indicating the two parts of
a pipe, the bowl and the stem, which
is unified through the mouth, in smoking
the pipe. OR it might refer to the mouth
unifying the person smoking and the
"other" with whom the pipe is being shared.
such as another person, a spirit, or
God, etc.
This is all of course conjecture, but it is
fun nonetheless! :-)
Wednesday, February 4, 2009
ALPHABET p 10
===p 10===
F. This letter represents the sound
produced by the combination of th in
the words theft, think, etc. the lips,
however, are thrown more open,
than they are in general, when we
pronounce words of the same class in
English.
G represents the sound of ng
in wrong, wing, or the nasal sound of
n in uncle. It is often thrown in be-
tween words for the sake of euphony,
or to distinguish the person of verbs.
H is aspirate, but expresses in gene-
ral a stronger breathing than it does
in the words has, hoe, his, etc.
K, M, N, P, R, S, and T, have the
same power that they have in English,
with the exception of p, which some-
times partakes slightly of the sound of
b; and r, the sound which, in some
words, so nearly resembles that given
to d, (with which letter it is often in-
terchanged,) that it is difficult, to de-
termine, which is intended; as,
daeh-to-hrae-kae, or,
raeh-to-hrae-kae, -----a strawberry.
====end p. 10 ====
F: Hamilton and Irvin use the letter F to
represent the sound written as TH (THink)
in today's Ioway-Otoe (THinye: squirrel).
They do not however seem to use/recognize
the sound DH (THat) in Ioway-Otoe (maDHe: iron).
G: In modern Ioway-Otoe this is written NG
(maNGe=chest/breast). Hamilton and Irvin
do not distinguish the use of k in opposition to g;
however modern Iowa-Otoe does, and uses
both k and g. There is also a particular symbol
in modern linguistics that signifies this sound
that looks like an "n" with a tail descending
from the second leg of the n. It can get
confusing in modern Ioway-Otoe when
you write such words sinnge as the first n
just indicates the i is nasalized. There are
also words that have the NG sound just
before the G sound so one ends up with
mannge, which actually has a nasalized a
which makes manngge (manNG-gay) so
there are more graceful and efficient ways
if one uses the linguistics orthography, yet
the modern community would have to
learn that and there is resistance
to doing so among some.
H: I look forward to seeing the words
using H, as Hamilton and Irvin do not
make provision for the glottal fricative
that is written as X in today's Ioway-Otoe.
There is a difference between H and X,
and perhaps Hamilton and Irvin conflate
the two. We shall see in the pages
to come.
R: R actually is different than the English R;
Whitman heard it as an L sound, and it
has been written in modern Ioway-Otoe
that way at times, although at present
the R is favored. And as Hamilton and Irvin
indicate here with their example of "strawberry",
the R is realized in speech as a D,
especially at the beginning of words
(Whitman noted this).
So ranuwe/lanuwe (sacred pipe) actually
sounds to an English speaker more like
danuwe in regular conversation.
P: P is also an in issue in speaking Ioway
for the native English-speaker. That is
why we often see Baxoje written as Paxoje,
Pahodse, etc. in historic documents. The
difference between P and B in English is
whether the sound is voiceless and aspirated
which gives the P, or voiced and unaspirated,
which gives the B in English. Some Ps
in English are more aspirated than others too.
Hold your hand in front of your lips
and say "People"...feel the puff of air?
That's aspiration. Now hold your hand up
by your lips and say "Stop"...you won't
notice much, if any, puff. That's an
unaspirated P. The Ioway P/B was unaspirated
historically apparently, which explains
why some writers used a B and some a P
to write Baxoje and Paxoje.
One essential way a linguist gets at
figuring out what sound is meant is to
elicit "minimal pairs." A minimal pair is
a pair of words in which only one sound
(phoneme) is changed, but the meanings
are changed when the phoneme is changed.
In English, examples of minimal pairs would be
"rid - lid" as well as "rid - red"
In Ioway-Otoe, examples would be
"che (buffalo) - chi (house)" and
"pa (nose) - ba (snow)"
This is why we really don't know for sure
whether the Ioways' name for themselves
was meant to be:
Ba-xoje = Snow-gray -- or
Pa-xoje = Nose-gray
(In ancient usage, especially with animals,
pa also relates to the head as a whole;
as in goose,
mixe-paxanje- waterfowl-big nose/head;
xoje = means both ashes and the color of ashes)







Finally here Hamilton and Irvin give us
the word for strawberry in 1848,
as raeh-to-hrae-kae
This would be written in today's spelling
as rehtohreke, or perhaps rexdoxreke.
Today we use the word hashje, which
comes from hadhe "berry" blended with
shuje "red"
In trying to figure out which way to go,
one can compare it to some of the other
Siouan language terms for strawberry
(Kindscher, Edible Wild Plants of the Prairie, p. 116):
Winnebago: haz-shchek (haz means fruit or berry)
Omaha-Ponca: bashte
Osage: ba-stse'-ga
Dakota: wazhushteca
It looks like all of the other Siouan names
here use their own words for fruit/berry + red
and look very similar to what we now use
in Ioway-Otoe, hashje.
It is a mystery to me then why Hamilton and
Irvin have this long word, rehdo-xrege,
or something along those lines, as
meaning "strawberry." It seems though,
that I may have seen this word before
in connection to another plant, perhaps
in one of Alanson Skinner's works.
But that will have to wait for another time.
In collecting some of the photos of
wild strawberries here from Google,
I notice that the five-petaled star-shaped
flowers and red berries are seen in beadwork.
It would be very interesting to see what
other wild plants were used in Ioway-Otoe
beadwork. I know I have seen wild grapes
used on Ioway-Otoe clothing/moccasins.
F. This letter represents the sound
produced by the combination of th in
the words theft, think, etc. the lips,
however, are thrown more open,
than they are in general, when we
pronounce words of the same class in
English.
G represents the sound of ng
in wrong, wing, or the nasal sound of
n in uncle. It is often thrown in be-
tween words for the sake of euphony,
or to distinguish the person of verbs.
H is aspirate, but expresses in gene-
ral a stronger breathing than it does
in the words has, hoe, his, etc.
K, M, N, P, R, S, and T, have the
same power that they have in English,
with the exception of p, which some-
times partakes slightly of the sound of
b; and r, the sound which, in some
words, so nearly resembles that given
to d, (with which letter it is often in-
terchanged,) that it is difficult, to de-
termine, which is intended; as,
daeh-to-hrae-kae, or,
raeh-to-hrae-kae, -----a strawberry.
====end p. 10 ====
Lance Foster's notes about Page 10
F: Hamilton and Irvin use the letter F to
represent the sound written as TH (THink)
in today's Ioway-Otoe (THinye: squirrel).
They do not however seem to use/recognize
the sound DH (THat) in Ioway-Otoe (maDHe: iron).
G: In modern Ioway-Otoe this is written NG
(maNGe=chest/breast). Hamilton and Irvin
do not distinguish the use of k in opposition to g;
however modern Iowa-Otoe does, and uses
both k and g. There is also a particular symbol
in modern linguistics that signifies this sound
that looks like an "n" with a tail descending
from the second leg of the n. It can get
confusing in modern Ioway-Otoe when
you write such words sinnge as the first n
just indicates the i is nasalized. There are
also words that have the NG sound just
before the G sound so one ends up with
mannge, which actually has a nasalized a
which makes manngge (manNG-gay) so
there are more graceful and efficient ways
if one uses the linguistics orthography, yet
the modern community would have to
learn that and there is resistance
to doing so among some.
H: I look forward to seeing the words
using H, as Hamilton and Irvin do not
make provision for the glottal fricative
that is written as X in today's Ioway-Otoe.
There is a difference between H and X,
and perhaps Hamilton and Irvin conflate
the two. We shall see in the pages
to come.
R: R actually is different than the English R;
Whitman heard it as an L sound, and it
has been written in modern Ioway-Otoe
that way at times, although at present
the R is favored. And as Hamilton and Irvin
indicate here with their example of "strawberry",
the R is realized in speech as a D,
especially at the beginning of words
(Whitman noted this).
So ranuwe/lanuwe (sacred pipe) actually
sounds to an English speaker more like
danuwe in regular conversation.
P: P is also an in issue in speaking Ioway
for the native English-speaker. That is
why we often see Baxoje written as Paxoje,
Pahodse, etc. in historic documents. The
difference between P and B in English is
whether the sound is voiceless and aspirated
which gives the P, or voiced and unaspirated,
which gives the B in English. Some Ps
in English are more aspirated than others too.
Hold your hand in front of your lips
and say "People"...feel the puff of air?
That's aspiration. Now hold your hand up
by your lips and say "Stop"...you won't
notice much, if any, puff. That's an
unaspirated P. The Ioway P/B was unaspirated
historically apparently, which explains
why some writers used a B and some a P
to write Baxoje and Paxoje.
Minimal Pairs and Paxoje vs Baxoje
One essential way a linguist gets at
figuring out what sound is meant is to
elicit "minimal pairs." A minimal pair is
a pair of words in which only one sound
(phoneme) is changed, but the meanings
are changed when the phoneme is changed.
In English, examples of minimal pairs would be
"rid - lid" as well as "rid - red"
In Ioway-Otoe, examples would be
"che (buffalo) - chi (house)" and
"pa (nose) - ba (snow)"
This is why we really don't know for sure
whether the Ioways' name for themselves
was meant to be:
Ba-xoje = Snow-gray -- or
Pa-xoje = Nose-gray
(In ancient usage, especially with animals,
pa also relates to the head as a whole;
as in goose,
mixe-paxanje- waterfowl-big nose/head;
xoje = means both ashes and the color of ashes)







The Mystery of Strawberry
Finally here Hamilton and Irvin give us
the word for strawberry in 1848,
as raeh-to-hrae-kae
This would be written in today's spelling
as rehtohreke, or perhaps rexdoxreke.
Today we use the word hashje, which
comes from hadhe "berry" blended with
shuje "red"
In trying to figure out which way to go,
one can compare it to some of the other
Siouan language terms for strawberry
(Kindscher, Edible Wild Plants of the Prairie, p. 116):
Winnebago: haz-shchek (haz means fruit or berry)
Omaha-Ponca: bashte
Osage: ba-stse'-ga
Dakota: wazhushteca
It looks like all of the other Siouan names
here use their own words for fruit/berry + red
and look very similar to what we now use
in Ioway-Otoe, hashje.
It is a mystery to me then why Hamilton and
Irvin have this long word, rehdo-xrege,
or something along those lines, as
meaning "strawberry." It seems though,
that I may have seen this word before
in connection to another plant, perhaps
in one of Alanson Skinner's works.
But that will have to wait for another time.
In collecting some of the photos of
wild strawberries here from Google,
I notice that the five-petaled star-shaped
flowers and red berries are seen in beadwork.
It would be very interesting to see what
other wild plants were used in Ioway-Otoe
beadwork. I know I have seen wild grapes
used on Ioway-Otoe clothing/moccasins.
Tuesday, February 3, 2009
ALPHABET
In the copy I originally was using, the alphabet was in an earlier place, but this is where it probably should be, as in the Google Books example.
==Begin==
ALPHABET
Letters. - Power. - Name.
A a - as a in far - a
AE ae - " a " fate - ae
C c - " ch " chat - che
D d - " d " did - de
E e - " e " me - e
F f - " th " think - the
G g - " ng " wrong - ang
H h - " h " hat - he
J j -" sh " she - she
K k -" k " keep - ke
M m - " m " man - me, em
N n - " n " none - ne, en
O o - " o " note - o
P p - " p " peep - pe
R r - " r " reap - re, er
S s - " s " see - se, es
T t - " t " tea - te
U u - " u " true - u
W w - " w " weep - we
Y y -" y " ye - ye
===end unnumbered page===
[LF: Hamilton and Irvin's orthography can be translated into the orthography currently used in Baxoje as:
HAM.& IRV. = CONTEMP. IOM
a as the a in father = a (ma = arrow)
ae as the "a" in fate = e (be = to throw)
c as the "ch" in chat = ch (che = buffalo)
d as the "d" in did = d (do = wild potato)
e as the "e" in me = i (chi = house)
f as the "th" in think = th (thi = foot) - NOTE: H&I do not use the dh sound as the "th" in that (madhe = iron)
g as the "ng" in wrong = ng (thinge = tail, Otoe form) - NOTE: H & I do not use the ny sound (nyi = water)
h as the "h" in hat = h (ha = skin)
j as the "sh" in she = sh (shunye = horse) - NOTE: H & I do not have a "j" sound represented in their system at all
k as the "k" in keep = k (k'o = the thunder)
m as the "m" in man = m (mi = blanket; robe)
n as the "n" in none = n (na = tree; wood)
o as the "o" in note = o (do = wild potato)
p as the "p" in peep = p (pi = good)
r as the "r" in reap = r (ruje = to eat)
s as the "s" in see = s (sahma = seven)
t as the "t" in tea = t (ta = deer)
u as the "u" in true = u (buje = acorn)
w as the "w" in weep = w (w = wanye (Ioway); wange (Otoe))
y as the "y" in ye (you) = y (yan = to lie down)
There are a number of sounds that are used in contemporary Ioway-Otoe that are not represented in Hamilton and Irvin. There are no glottal stops, there is no x, no j, no dh, etc. We will examine this situation as the project progresses.]
===New page - 9. ===
GRAMMAR.
REMARKS ON THE ALPHABET
The vowels have always a uniform
sound, as represented on the prece-
ding page.
The consonants are signs repre-
senting a particular position of the or-
gans of speech, which is shown by
pronouncing them in connection with
a vowel. This position is nearly, but
not quite, the same, that it is when the
vowels and consonants are uttered to-
gether in the pronunciation of words
or syllables in English.
In speaking Ioway, the larynx is
more open than it is in the pronuncia-
tion of most words in English, which
gives to a very large portion of their
words a guttural sound.
C, is sounded like ch, in cheer, or
church. D. The pure English sound
of d is seldom heard, yet the sound is
much nearer that of d, than t.
===end page 9===
==Begin==
ALPHABET
Letters. - Power. - Name.
A a - as a in far - a
AE ae - " a " fate - ae
C c - " ch " chat - che
D d - " d " did - de
E e - " e " me - e
F f - " th " think - the
G g - " ng " wrong - ang
H h - " h " hat - he
J j -" sh " she - she
K k -" k " keep - ke
M m - " m " man - me, em
N n - " n " none - ne, en
O o - " o " note - o
P p - " p " peep - pe
R r - " r " reap - re, er
S s - " s " see - se, es
T t - " t " tea - te
U u - " u " true - u
W w - " w " weep - we
Y y -" y " ye - ye
===end unnumbered page===
[LF: Hamilton and Irvin's orthography can be translated into the orthography currently used in Baxoje as:
HAM.& IRV. = CONTEMP. IOM
a as the a in father = a (ma = arrow)
ae as the "a" in fate = e (be = to throw)
c as the "ch" in chat = ch (che = buffalo)
d as the "d" in did = d (do = wild potato)
e as the "e" in me = i (chi = house)
f as the "th" in think = th (thi = foot) - NOTE: H&I do not use the dh sound as the "th" in that (madhe = iron)
g as the "ng" in wrong = ng (thinge = tail, Otoe form) - NOTE: H & I do not use the ny sound (nyi = water)
h as the "h" in hat = h (ha = skin)
j as the "sh" in she = sh (shunye = horse) - NOTE: H & I do not have a "j" sound represented in their system at all
k as the "k" in keep = k (k'o = the thunder)
m as the "m" in man = m (mi = blanket; robe)
n as the "n" in none = n (na = tree; wood)
o as the "o" in note = o (do = wild potato)
p as the "p" in peep = p (pi = good)
r as the "r" in reap = r (ruje = to eat)
s as the "s" in see = s (sahma = seven)
t as the "t" in tea = t (ta = deer)
u as the "u" in true = u (buje = acorn)
w as the "w" in weep = w (w = wanye (Ioway); wange (Otoe))
y as the "y" in ye (you) = y (yan = to lie down)
There are a number of sounds that are used in contemporary Ioway-Otoe that are not represented in Hamilton and Irvin. There are no glottal stops, there is no x, no j, no dh, etc. We will examine this situation as the project progresses.]
===New page - 9. ===
GRAMMAR.
REMARKS ON THE ALPHABET
The vowels have always a uniform
sound, as represented on the prece-
ding page.
The consonants are signs repre-
senting a particular position of the or-
gans of speech, which is shown by
pronouncing them in connection with
a vowel. This position is nearly, but
not quite, the same, that it is when the
vowels and consonants are uttered to-
gether in the pronunciation of words
or syllables in English.
In speaking Ioway, the larynx is
more open than it is in the pronuncia-
tion of most words in English, which
gives to a very large portion of their
words a guttural sound.
C, is sounded like ch, in cheer, or
church. D. The pure English sound
of d is seldom heard, yet the sound is
much nearer that of d, than t.
===end page 9===
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